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3 Italy ruled Eritrea for approximately sixty years, while it only occupied Ethiopia for five or six years. Thus, colonial life in Ethiopia has been less studied and documented than that in Eritrea.
9 Trento , 2011, p. 184?205.
4 This article casts some light on some understudied social and historical aspects of Italian colonialism in Ethiopia and of the Italian withdrawal which left some Italian male citizens “lost” for decades in the country. It focuses more specifically on gender relations in Ethiopia after the colonial period. The gender legacy is studied on the basis of previous comparative works which suggest some profound similarities between colonial practices in Eritrea and in Ethiopia.9 If colonial concubinage in the Horn of Africa between Italian men and Northeast African women (the so?called madamato ) is well known, the following presentation highlights that such a phenomenon also existed in different forms in Ethiopia, even after the end of Italian colonialism. Some Ethiopian?Italians, born in Ethiopia during and after World War II and currently living in the country, relate family stories that retrace some continuity between colonial and postcolonial Ethiopia. They help to understand how the perception and “construction” of Ethiopian?Italians in contemporary Ethiopia is articulated with the persistent memory of the country’s Italian occupation.
10 Trento , 2007 and 2011. 11 I would like to thank all of them.
5 This article is based on both oral and written sources. Some of them were collected during previous works between 2006 and 2010, when I conducted numerous interviews in Ethiopia and Italy (in Addis Ababa, Nazret, Debre Zeyit, Axum, Rome, Terni, and Pavia) . 10 Additional data was collected during more interviews in 2011 in Ethiopia with Ethiopian?Italians, Eritrean?Italians, Ethiopian female partners of Italian men, and with different people associated at various levels with Ethiopian?Italians and men?women relationships between Italians and Ethiopians. These interviews were conducted in 2011 after posting ads in local newspapers in Ethiopia which resulted in around 100 phone calls from people involved in this particular issue . 11 Following these phone calls, I met with people in Addis Ababa (at home, in coffee shops near the University and the Ethnographic Museum, or at the Juventus Club) and in Jimma, Dire Dawa and Harar (at home or in workplaces).
North and South; “white” man and “black” woman.
12 On these very complex issues, see, among others: Bevilacqua , 1972; Moe , 2002; Schneider , 1998. 13 Labanca , 2002, p. 72. 14 On the notion of and the myth of grande Italia , see Gentile , 2006. 15 As Antonio Gramsci sharply noted during Fascism in his Prison Notebooks , “The Southern peasant want (. ) 16 On “Fascist modernity and colonial conquest”, see Ben?Ghiat , 2001, p. 125?130.
6 Both colonialism in Africa and the dualistic theorization of Italy’s Southern Question played a crucial role in the late 19 th century process of constructing Italianness after the country’s unification in the 1860s. Italy’s self?representation was based on the concept of the Southern Question ( Questione meridionale ) that ended up emphasizing the gap between North and South Italy; so much so that the image of Southern Italy became increasingly homogeneous and the Italian South was finally perceived as the “other”.12 These issues remained crucial in the 20 th century and influenced the form taken by Fascism. The North?South duality of Italy’s self?representation was a meaningful symbol inside its national borders, while in the colonies an ambiguous solution to the dualistic theorization of the Southern Question was attempted. Already at the end of the 19 th century, Italian Prime Minister Francesco Crispi aimed to combine Italy’s expansionist politics in Africa with the increasing phenomenon of Italians’ mass emigration overseas, thereby wishing Africa – the “Abyssinian” plateau in particular – to provide land to the farmers who did not have any (especially Southern Italians).13 The Horn of Africa thus became the southernmost point of Southern Italy of and for a “greater Italy,”14 where landless peasants could finally obtain their piece of land.15 In the 1930s, such “pro?subaltern colonialist narrative” was reinforced by Fascism to stress the relevance of the Ethiopian Campaign.16.
17 On “continuities and discontinuities” of Italian colonialism during Fascism, see Labanca , 2002, p. (. )
7 Pre?Fascist colonialism and that of the Fascist era shared some basic characteristics,17 namely : the factual and symbolic centrality of the relationship “white man”/“black woman” , the imaginary transposition of the Italian “other inside the country” (the Southern peasant without land) from the Italian countryside to colonial Africa , and the search for a national identity that could only truly manifest itself– in a paradoxical way –outside its national borders.
18 On Italian colonialism and photography, see Goglia , 1989; Palma , 1999. On postcards in particular, (. ) 19 Barrera , 1996, p. 8?14.
8 The erotic element has always been very important for Italian colonialism, both from a factual and a symbolic point of view. Relations between Italian men and African women played a central role in colonialist practices, in the promulgation of racist legislation in the 1930s, and in shaping the colonial imaginary. As was the case in France during its colonial period, there was a widespread underground circulation of postcards portraying naked black beauties. This had a considerable impact inside Italy itself, where colonialism involved the dream of finding sexually available women in Africa.18 Fascist propaganda in particular tried to portray the Horn of Africa as a land full of possibilities, and also full of beautiful and available women. Right before and during the Italo?Ethiopian war, such imagery was part of the baggage that motivated Italian men to fight a war in a distant land.19.

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