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3743. Ndoa za haraka huishia majutoni. EM n27.
Marriages contracted in haste end in regrets.
"Later when each gets to know the other more, one or both of them will regret marriage." EM.
Marriages are made in heaven.
God arranges the marriages. Therefore don’t blame yourself if you don’t find whom to marry. SAM.
3745. Ndugu muwi afadhali kuwa naye. F.38.7; T.413.
A bad brother is far better than no brother. F.
It is better to see well with a bad relative.
One day that may be useful. KA. Cf. #1546.
3746. Neno la talaka, silo la dhihaka. RSP.42.
A word of repudiation must not be lightly pronounced. Cf. #1523.
3747. Nimechoka wacha tu, nipumzike. MM.
I am tired, just stop it, let me rest.
A woman telling her husband.
3748. Nyoka akiingia nyumbani, hukimbii na kuihama nyumba. EMn23.
If a snake enters the house, you do not run and vacate the house.
The meaning is that if a bad person wants to cause confusion and misunderstanding in a family, the family should find a way of removing that person. EM.
Hairs, hairs, may they be plenty.
Refers to the view generally held that many children are a blessing. JK.
3750. Ongoa [ongoza] mtoto njia ipasavyo. NGU.
Guide the child in a rightful way.
3751. Pambo la nyumba ni mwanamke asiyenung’unika. EM p1.
The non-complaining wife is the decoration of the house.
Such a woman will be able to comfort others.
3752. Pasipo mwanaume, nguzo ya nyumba, nyumba itavunjika. KB.261; AL 984.
Without a son, the pillar of the house, the family dies.
Male descendants perpetuate the line of the family.
3753. Pendo za mwana zi matakoni mwa nina. T.456 V.53; SACL.684, 965; AL 932; KA.
The happiness of a child is when its mother’s desires are satisfied.
Father’s love for a child disappears when the mother dies. T. Father’s love for the mother disappears when the child dies. KA.
Matakoni (Kigunya dialect): for matakwa : desires.
Pendo la mwana liwa magoni kwa nina. L.86; AL 931.
The love of a child is on the lap of the mother.
The affection of a child is gratified on mother’ lap. L. The child is not loved until the mother finds satisfaction with her husband. AL.
Nina , common in Bantu dialects, or mama yake : his or her mother. Magoni (Kimvita dialect) for miguuni : on the legs.
3754. Pikia mzazi nawe upate tonge. AL, pikia ; AL 1077.
Cook for the woman in child bed, so that you also may receive a mouthful.
Receive a favor in return.
3755. Radhi ya baba na mama ni ufalme wa dunia. REK.
The blessing of father and mother is worth an earthly kingdom. Cf. #451; #1559.
3756. Radhi ya mama tamu. AL 1009.
Mother’s blessing is sweet.
3757. Radhi ya wazee ni bora kushinda mali. JKP.
The blessing of your parents is better than wealth.
Respect and obey your parents first. JKP.
3758. Radhi za wazee ni fimbo kubwa kwa mwanadamu. SAM.21.1.
A parent’s blessing is a great stick [help] for a person.
The appeal of the dance has a producer.
To continue a work until it is finished a supervisor is needed.
Listen, listen, spoiled the household.
Listening to gossipers breaks the relationship of man and wife. AL.
3761. Sungura akizeeka humnyonya mamaye. REK.
When a hare gets old it sucks the tits of its mother.
3762. Tangulia kijakazi, uzuri unakungojee. AL 444.
Go ahead young maiden, good life is waiting for you.
Parents take good care of their daughters until marriage. AL.
3763. Teke la kuku halimwumizi mwanawe. F.45.3; L.94; B.2.20; H.101; MS.163.
A hen’s kick does not hurt her chick.
Used when parents chastise their children.
3764. Tembo hashindwi na ulezi wa mwanawe. NGU.
The elephant is not burdened by rearing its young.
3765. Titi la mama litamu, jingine halishi hamu. Shabaan Robert, Pambo la lugha , p.27.
Mother’s milk is sweet, no other ends desire.
Applied by Shabaan Robert: No other language is so sweet as one’s native tongue, nor does it satisfy as well.
The belly [of a woman] is like a garden.
3767. Tunda haliozi juu, ila ugenini tu. AL 879.
A fruit does not rot high up [in the tree], except when abroad.
Among relatives one shares willy nilly.
3768. Ucheshi wa mtoto ni anga la nyumba. F.45.1.
The laughter of a child is the light of a house.
3769. Uchimvi wa kizibao ulichimba shuka. AL 890.
The bad luck of the blouse, caused harm to the loincloth.
The abuse of one member of the family is offensive to the whole family.
Uchimvi : bad luck, ill omen.
Chimba : dig, harm, cause trouble. Cf. #1465.
3770. Uchungu wa mtoto "u katika nyonga" ya mama yake. J., nyonga ; B.2.53; KB.298, uchungu wa mwana. ya nina .
The pain of a child is on the mother’s hip.
Women often carry a child astride on the hip. The mother knows the pain of her child.
3771. Uchungu wa mwana aujua mzazi. F.45.2; L.95; T.565; KS, uchungu ; V., uchungu .
The pain of a child is known by the parent.
The labor of childbirth is known to the mother. F.; T.
Only a mother knows the sorrow of her child. L. Cf. #512.
3772. Udugo wa upanga si mzuri, afadhali udugu wa kisu. AL 913.
Fraternal relationships of the sword [machete] are inferior to those of the knife.
To understand this proverb one has to understand the difference between knife and machete. The machete is single edged, the African knife is double edged. A marriage that only cares for their inner circle of relatives [a machete] is not as good as that of a knife, i.e., caring for the in-laws.

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3 Italy ruled Eritrea for approximately sixty years, while it only occupied Ethiopia for five or six years. Thus, colonial life in Ethiopia has been less studied and documented than that in Eritrea.
9 Trento , 2011, p. 184?205.
4 This article casts some light on some understudied social and historical aspects of Italian colonialism in Ethiopia and of the Italian withdrawal which left some Italian male citizens “lost” for decades in the country. It focuses more specifically on gender relations in Ethiopia after the colonial period. The gender legacy is studied on the basis of previous comparative works which suggest some profound similarities between colonial practices in Eritrea and in Ethiopia.9 If colonial concubinage in the Horn of Africa between Italian men and Northeast African women (the so?called madamato ) is well known, the following presentation highlights that such a phenomenon also existed in different forms in Ethiopia, even after the end of Italian colonialism. Some Ethiopian?Italians, born in Ethiopia during and after World War II and currently living in the country, relate family stories that retrace some continuity between colonial and postcolonial Ethiopia. They help to understand how the perception and “construction” of Ethiopian?Italians in contemporary Ethiopia is articulated with the persistent memory of the country’s Italian occupation.
10 Trento , 2007 and 2011. 11 I would like to thank all of them.
5 This article is based on both oral and written sources. Some of them were collected during previous works between 2006 and 2010, when I conducted numerous interviews in Ethiopia and Italy (in Addis Ababa, Nazret, Debre Zeyit, Axum, Rome, Terni, and Pavia) . 10 Additional data was collected during more interviews in 2011 in Ethiopia with Ethiopian?Italians, Eritrean?Italians, Ethiopian female partners of Italian men, and with different people associated at various levels with Ethiopian?Italians and men?women relationships between Italians and Ethiopians. These interviews were conducted in 2011 after posting ads in local newspapers in Ethiopia which resulted in around 100 phone calls from people involved in this particular issue . 11 Following these phone calls, I met with people in Addis Ababa (at home, in coffee shops near the University and the Ethnographic Museum, or at the Juventus Club) and in Jimma, Dire Dawa and Harar (at home or in workplaces).
North and South; “white” man and “black” woman.
12 On these very complex issues, see, among others: Bevilacqua , 1972; Moe , 2002; Schneider , 1998. 13 Labanca , 2002, p. 72. 14 On the notion of and the myth of grande Italia , see Gentile , 2006. 15 As Antonio Gramsci sharply noted during Fascism in his Prison Notebooks , “The Southern peasant want (. ) 16 On “Fascist modernity and colonial conquest”, see Ben?Ghiat , 2001, p. 125?130.
6 Both colonialism in Africa and the dualistic theorization of Italy’s Southern Question played a crucial role in the late 19 th century process of constructing Italianness after the country’s unification in the 1860s. Italy’s self?representation was based on the concept of the Southern Question ( Questione meridionale ) that ended up emphasizing the gap between North and South Italy; so much so that the image of Southern Italy became increasingly homogeneous and the Italian South was finally perceived as the “other”.12 These issues remained crucial in the 20 th century and influenced the form taken by Fascism. The North?South duality of Italy’s self?representation was a meaningful symbol inside its national borders, while in the colonies an ambiguous solution to the dualistic theorization of the Southern Question was attempted. Already at the end of the 19 th century, Italian Prime Minister Francesco Crispi aimed to combine Italy’s expansionist politics in Africa with the increasing phenomenon of Italians’ mass emigration overseas, thereby wishing Africa – the “Abyssinian” plateau in particular – to provide land to the farmers who did not have any (especially Southern Italians).13 The Horn of Africa thus became the southernmost point of Southern Italy of and for a “greater Italy,”14 where landless peasants could finally obtain their piece of land.15 In the 1930s, such “pro?subaltern colonialist narrative” was reinforced by Fascism to stress the relevance of the Ethiopian Campaign.16.
17 On “continuities and discontinuities” of Italian colonialism during Fascism, see Labanca , 2002, p. (. )
7 Pre?Fascist colonialism and that of the Fascist era shared some basic characteristics,17 namely : the factual and symbolic centrality of the relationship “white man”/“black woman” , the imaginary transposition of the Italian “other inside the country” (the Southern peasant without land) from the Italian countryside to colonial Africa , and the search for a national identity that could only truly manifest itself– in a paradoxical way –outside its national borders.
18 On Italian colonialism and photography, see Goglia , 1989; Palma , 1999. On postcards in particular, (. ) 19 Barrera , 1996, p. 8?14.
8 The erotic element has always been very important for Italian colonialism, both from a factual and a symbolic point of view. Relations between Italian men and African women played a central role in colonialist practices, in the promulgation of racist legislation in the 1930s, and in shaping the colonial imaginary. As was the case in France during its colonial period, there was a widespread underground circulation of postcards portraying naked black beauties. This had a considerable impact inside Italy itself, where colonialism involved the dream of finding sexually available women in Africa.18 Fascist propaganda in particular tried to portray the Horn of Africa as a land full of possibilities, and also full of beautiful and available women. Right before and during the Italo?Ethiopian war, such imagery was part of the baggage that motivated Italian men to fight a war in a distant land.19.

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The prostitutes in Otto Dix’s Three Wenches (1926) — a body for every perverse taste — and Three Prostitutes on the Street (1925) are obviously grotesque. So is the prostitute pictured in Lady with Mink and Veil (1920). The Businessmen Max Roesberg, Dresden (1922) and Dr. Mayer-Hermann (1926) are more subtly grotesque. Roesberg is as angular and lean as his telephone and Mayer-Hermann is as bulbous, not to say bloated, as his X-ray machine. The attribute defines the man, indeed, has taken him over, given him his personal as well as social identity. Indeed, the machine has more personality than he does.
Capitalism and technology inform all of Dix’s paintings, appropriating human presence — dehumanizing the body. Capitalism and technology also show their omnivorous presence and ominous power in Georg Scholz’s Self-Portrait Before an Advertisement Pillar (1926), with its automobile and gas pump as well as advertisement pillar — still a feature of German public space — and Rudolf Schlichter’s The Writer Bertolt Brecht (1926), standing in front of an automobile. Without the larger-than-life automobile backing him up, the cigar-smoking Brecht is all pretentious ego, and without the sturdy pillar and pristine automobile behind him Scholz is a troubled bourgeois, his propriety a shaky facade on his misery.
Dix, a lifelong Communist, may have been critical of capitalism and technology — his etching Dead Soldier in a Trench and drawing How I Looked as A Soldier (both 1924), have as much to do with all-powerful technology, as the weapons suggest, as with war, and his Metropolis (Triptych) (1928) represents, with cynical wit, the unsavory contradictions of capitalism — but he could not deny their power and importance. They determined modern life — both high life and low life. They had sordid consequences, but nothing could be done about them. Satire, after all, is impotent revolution. Dix ruthlessly shows the underside of Baudelaire’s "heroism of modern life," discrediting its idealism completely. But his modern "disasters of war" and "disasters of sex" — for the New Objectivists war and sex express failed human relationships, with resentment and violence, latent or manifest, the signs of failure — are rooted in romantic realism. As Goya’s "Disasters of War" and "Caprichos" — his sardonic take on the disastrous war between the sexes — makes clear, Romanticism believes that war and sex are the fundamental realities of human nature, whatever the social circumstances in which they appear.
There is nothing more objective in New Objectivity painting than machines. They were meticulously represented, in acknowledgement of their social importance. Unlike Picabia and Duchamp, who sardonically used them to make sexual jokes, the New Objectivists show great respect for machines. They have the integrity, authority and character — inescapable presence and hard givenness, and the authenticity of use value — human beings lack. Compared to them, human beings seem vulnerable, as in Dix’s The Poet Iwar von Lьcken (1926); or misshapen, as in Georg Grosz’s portrait of Max Hermann Neisse (1925) and Christian Schad’s Agosta the "Winged One" and Rasha the "Black Dove" (1929); or mad, as in Dix’s Dr. Heinrich Stadelmann (1920), a psychiatrist.
The artists did not exempt themselves from this harsh judgment, as Beckmann’s Self-Portrait with Champagne Glass (1919) with its grotesquely distorted hand makes clear. While not as crippled as Dix’s Skat Players (1920) — handicapped veterans, kept going by technology (hearing aids, mechanical jaws) — or as bizarre as Dix’s The Dancer Anita Berger (1925), or as demented as Gert Heinrich Wollheim in his Self-Portrait (1922), Beckmann is clearly a twisted individual. He is not one of George Grosz’s Pimps of Death (1919), but he is also emotionally ugly — and dangerous.
The New Objectivists have a striking ability to convey idiosyncratic individuality, as is shown by Dix’s The Journalist Sylvia von Harden , (1926), but they also have a strong sense of the ridiculous, conveyed by the exaggeration of details, as Dix’s Prostitute — Girl with Red Bow (1922) makes clear. The human body — especially the female body — seems inherently ridiculous to Dix, as Sweet Little Elly (1920) and Elli (1921) suggest. No classically ideal proportions here. Is Dix a misogynist, perhaps in response to the repulsive, ever-present prostitutes, evoking physical disease and social pathology? Max Beckmann also seems to be a misogynist, if with less ferocity, in his portraits of Maria Swarzenski and Carola Netter (1923) and Kдthe von Porada (1924). There’s a general sense that life is disgusting — rancid and decaying — in New Objectivist portraits, suggesting they’re not as objective — matter-of-factly descriptive, supposedly with photographic verisimilitude — as they’re supposed to be.
The people who come off looking better than most — who are treated with a certain amount of respect, and allowed dignity and decency — are the art dealers on whom the artists were dependent, among them The Art Dealer J. B. Neumann , portrayed by Ludwig Meidner in 1919, and Alfred Flechtheim , portrayed by Dix in 1926. (But he’s accompanied by two faded abstract paintings, suggesting the realist Dix’s distrust of him.) But The Art Dealer Johanna Ey doesn’t come off too well in Dix’s 1924 portrait of her, not only because of her obesity, but because of her lurid appearance. She’s another grotesque female, as though femaleness was inherently grotesque, not to say gross.

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That lipstick and the rest of the markers of prostitutes had such a bad reputation was not because of the arbitrary whims of The Patriarchy™, but because they facilitated prostitution. Women who owned property and used guns had more power than a lot of men, and therefore found it more difficult to find an appropriately dominant husband. Women who “painted” themselves with makeup and wore sexual clothing and hairstyles attracted all kinds of men, but didn’t make it easier to get married to any single one.
Women who got married later were at risk of never getting married at all, and in any case would limit their reproductive potential and therefore their mates — who wants to marry an aged woman, especially an aged prostitute, if they can marry a young, normal woman and have twice as many kids? Traveling alone and hanging around watering holes just tempts the loins and everyone knows it, and so on. All these basically anti-social and destructive behaviors used to be the domain of open prostitutes, but are now the domain of the high status “liberated” woman.
Inevitably, painted ladies had children, though attempts were made at birth control which was very primitive at the time. By the 1840s women could purchase Portuguese Female Pills (an abortion pill) or Madame Restell’s Preventive Powders, but it is unclear how effective these were.
(…) the most common form of birth control was abortion, which had also spread as a form of birth control to even the “respectable women.” In the years between 1850 and 1870 one historian estimated that one abortion was performed for every five to six live births in America.
If they were lucky, a courtesan would marry well and retire with enough money for a comfortable and respectable lifestyle. Those who married would normally become instantly “respectable” as it was considered impolite in the Old West to ask of a person’s background and most people were too busy to care.
So in addition to pioneering nightlife, late marriage, divorce, traveling, dancing, makeup, sexual dress, and the planks of feminism, 19th century American prostitutes also pioneered abortion and birth control. The quoted author above mentions that abortion had even spread to “respectable women,” but it’s clear what the vector of transmission was.
Respectable women didn’t start aborting their kids and then unfairly discriminating against sex workers who did the same. Sex workers aborted their kids because of their promiscuous and unhealthy sexual habits, and then melded into the general population as they got older, perpetuating and spreading the habit as well as cheapening the reputation of actual respectable women, since nobody wanted to admit that prostitution was tacitly tolerated and that ex-prostitutes (or not even ex-, possibly) were allowed back into respectable society after plying a degenerate trade.
The other main difference is that in 1866 abortion, birth control, overt sexuality, “partying” as we think of it today, and the like were considered unambiguously bad, and were tolerated as an unfortunate fact of human nature at best and violently suppressed at worst. Today, between the decades of sophistic pronouncements of the Supreme Court and the allied assault on traditional culture by the Cathedral, the raft of bad behaviors associated in 1866 with unrepentant syphilitic whores have become enshrined as fundamental human rights in law and furthermore celebrated as expressions of piety towards the ostensibly humanistic religion of social progressivism.
That is not just a condemnation of the very concept of human rights, but of the entire formal and informal apparatus of government of the United States, as well as the ideals of progressivism.
Anyone who listens to Ryan Landry’s Weimerica Weekly podcast might even be convinced that contemporary empowered women are worse than 19th century prostitutes. Between the hellish trends of young female teachers having sex with their students and the media gearing up to normalize literal prostitution, they’ve got a good argument going. Tinder, Seeking Arrangement, and the rest of the click-swipe-bang(-pay) crowd have already put us a good part of the way there.
The only question is if in another 25 years people will still remember at all that prostitution used to be considered a bad thing. For the sake of the good and decent women left out there, I sure hope so.
Germany Has Become the Cut-Rate Prostitution Capital of the World.
Don’t put hookers on your corporate card Why Germany Should Leave the Euro Zone Goldman Sachs Sells Village Voice Stake After Sex Trafficking Furor ‘I come to Germany for prostitutes – it’s like Aldi’ The Local Unprotected: How Legalizing Prostitution Has Failed Der Spiegel Has Legalized Prostitution Turned Germany’s Government into a Pimp? World Crunch / Die Welt.
The presence of thousands of brothels and hundreds of thousands of prostitutes has heightened competition and pushed prices down steeply in the German sex trade. One tourist from Florida, who visits the country three times annually to pay for cheap sex, compares the scene to a discount supermarket: “Germany is like Aldi for prostitutes,” he says.

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