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InViolet: You unabashedly post the delicious food you cook on Facebook and make the rest of us feel jealous. Is cooking a big passion for you?
Jennifer: It is. I feel better when I eat food that I’ve cooked. I’ve always loved cooking. Feels like a creative hobby for me.
InViolet: We spent time at meetings and our company retreat working on your beautiful, complicated play, Ruin. Word on the street is that you’re adapting it to become a novel. Can you talk about that?
Jennifer: First I stole the title from another play My Grief is Golden and True and that is the name of the fiction project inspired by Ruin . I was intrigued by the characters and wanted to take a deeper look. Everything is tweaking and changing. Certain dynamics and characters that can exist well in the play need to be expanded to sustain in a book. I was first inspired to write it after seeing Chan-wook Park’s film Stoker. My play was sort of a response to it. I think one can write in many styles, but some of us have strengths. I think my strengths are in examining gritty, darkly comic, realistic personal dynamics. That is what I am diving into.
Jennifer: Well, I’m five chapters into My Grief is Golden and True (14,000 words!) and am taking another fiction class at Sackett Writer Workshop where I studied (and started) My Grief this fall. My general goal is to get a draft of the novel out by July. But I’ve also learned one needs to find the balance between being disciplined and flexible. If it doesn’t happen, it means I need more time. But I will do my best to read books that inspire me and carve time out to write, and hopefully the magic will happen.
InViolet InFocus – Dan Domingues.
Versatile actor Dan Domingues (he plays female serial killers! unrepentant assholes! aggressive life coaches!) talks about his obsession with horror films, his love for his A.R.T. classmates (and fellow Invi members) Nurit, Gerry and Marguerite, his latest show at Abingdon and his new podcast!
InViolet: How do you identify in the theater world?
Dan: I identify as a theater actor. I love rehearsal, I love tech, I love opening nights. I love sharing a show with a different group of people every night. It still seems like magic a little bit to me. I still have yet to find the comfort and sense of excitement on a film and TV set that I do on a stage.
InViolet: Give us the skinny on your InViolet journey so far.
Dan: Well, I’ve been an official company member for about 9 months give or take but I’ve been excitedly circling InViolet for about two years. Marguerite Stimpson and Gerry Rodriguez invited me to an InVi Christmas party a while back and that introduced me to who and what InVi was. My first event as a company member was a One Night Stand play written by the incomparable Bixby Elliott where I got to play a female serial killer and that was a thrill.
InViolet: Have a favorite InViolet memory you can share?
Dan: I loved seeing the full productions Branched and Sommerfugl because they were so fully realized. You get used to seeing shows in NY with a lot of ambition but perhaps not the talent or resources to pull it off. Both Branched and Sommerfugl were so impressive because from the bottom up, there wasn’t a weak leak. Great acting, impeccable technical elements, a passionate audience base — I knew I was watching people who cared about what they did and would stop at nothing to realize it.
InViolet: Last year you tore up the stage in J. Julian Christopher’s The Locusts Have No King at INTAR (also featuring InVi member John Concado). We had a little row of InViolets there to see you one night and we lost our minds with how good you were. What was that whole process like?
Dan: Having InVis there was very special to me. They are the MOST supportive group of people. And thank you for the kind words. Yes, we loved doing that show. But we were terrible to John. In the play, he was the character that got the most abuse and that bled into our offstage relationship. The thing is John is just THE sweetest guy — he has an openness and an eagerness to make every moment count and the rest of us were jaded old bastards so he was easy pickins.’ But that play had a wild journey. It was originally going to happen in the fall of 2014 but was canceled. A year and a half later, Lou Moreno of INTAR (another gem of a guy, just love him) put it back in the season. We lost our original director and several actors but got the genius young director David Mendizabal, John and the beautiful Liam Torres on board and the rest was a joy. It was a dream to work at INTAR — a rite of passage for any Hispanic actor in NY — and our playwright J. Julian was wonderful. I was grateful to be in that show because the guy I played was an unrepentant asshole and that’s not something I get a chance to play often.
InViolet: You have a thing with horror movies, huh? Or perhaps just horror posters? You often put horror movie posters on the social media. You seem like a relatively peaceful guy, so what’s up with the love of gore?

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This weekend’s list contains important information that could save you a lot of hassle, potential incarceration and hefty fines. Many a man has found himself in a situation where he needs to determine, quickly, if the woman he is talking to is a prostitute. Perhaps you brush up against her at Whole Foods or catch her eye while lifting weights at the Sports Barn. What if you are at a concert, and the girl behind you decides to ride on your shoulders? Is she a lady of the night? I don’t know. Maybe. You can’t be too sure. Here are some ways to vet out the situation.
My go-to question. I try to ask this at the very beginning of the conversation. She doesn’t have to answer, but her immediate response will tell you all you need to know. If she says, “Are you serious?” and becomes offended, she is most likely not a prostitute. You can now continue the conversation if she is willing. She may not be, though, but this is a chance you MUST take. You don’t want to be sitting in an apartment three years into a relationship and have her calmly tell you she “enjoys sleeping with men for money sometimes” while baking cupcakes. The onus is on you to determine whether she is a prostitute. She won’t tell you unless you are a client, but then it doesn’t matter.
Prostitutes will sometimes change their name to something ridiculous to protect their identity. If she tells you her name is “Sparkles,” “Bubbles” or “Snapz,” you need to move in the opposite direction. Those are not Christian names. In fact, she is giving you a direct hint that she is more interested in a business exchange than a loving, long-term relationship. You need to also be careful with overly common names like “Brittany” and “Christy.” I know many women with those names, of which roughly 10 percent are known prostitutes. Just be careful. All women named “Sparkles” are prostitutes and probably have penises.
Ask, “Are you friends with Barney?”
How many phones does she have?
This is common sense. Many prostitutes will carry two cellphones: one for their personal life and another for their sexual life. Be wary of a beautiful lady who has two phones, especially if she checks both constantly. She will tell you the second phone is a “work phone,” which is exactly what it is. That phone is probably linked to some seedy Internet profile page that hundreds of guys are ogling. There is a number on that page that links directly to the phone she’s carrying. Keep an ear out for phrases like “MoMo in 30” and “full service is 25 roses.” These are not things people say unless they have sex for money.
Where do I find a prostitute/call girl?
Tao of Badass is a guide writhed by Joshua Pellicer, a living coach on the planet of romance. He attracted his inspiration from the living of encountering regular failures with women and having number strategy concerning how to correct it but, after these continuous failure to entice women, he discovered, wasn't because he did not know those proper things to do; the issue he discovered was that he had number idea what not to do.
With Tao of Badass you can learn from the best and his problems what the right way to seduce girls is.
Prostitution in Catalonia: Girona’s Ladies of the Plastic Chairs.
Prostitution in Girona, Catalonia.
By Regina Winkle-Bryan.
Last week we headed north into Girona and more specifically, Emporda. These regions of Catalonia are known for the footprints left behind by Big Dogs such as Dali and Picasso. In fact, there are three Dali museums in Emporda. Girona offers fertile fields, miles of vineyards, the rugged shores of the Costa Brava and medieval villages with the Pyrenees as a dramatic backdrop for it all. Among all this beauty are the putas , or prostitutes, or “ladies of the night”, except it’s not night, it’s 10:00 a.m.
We’re driving through really the middle of nowhere, and there by the side of a country lane is a woman in fishnets, high-heels, a black mini skirt and a halter top. She sits in a white plastic chair, maybe sipping a Red Bull. A couple miles down the same road we see another one, and another, and another. On my last trip north to Girona we counted about 25 women working the back-roads with their plastic chairs and occasionally a sun umbrella.
How the hell do they get out to the middle of rural Catalonia? There aren’t buses out there, and these women are in dire straights, so I doubt they have cars. I would guess that the man, or pimp behind all this exploitation leaves them out there every day, and then picks them up later on. How many customers can these women have along Bob’s Lane? Not too many probably, but clearly enough to keep coming back. These are all good questions, and I don’t have the answers, although I think the most important question is: Why is this happening?
I’ve never seen so much prostitution in my life as I have on the country roads of Girona (not just on this trip, but on every trip north I’ve made since 2008), and the road leading into Castelldefels. Numerous women in dangerous, solitary places, alone, selling themselves. Usually they are Latina or Eastern Europeans, probably immigrants, which makes the whole thing even worse in my opinion.

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In 2002, for example, the FBI, along with the Fort Lauderdale Police Department and the U.S. embassy in San José, set up a bogus travel agency called, unsubtly, Costa Rican Taboo Vacations, which promised, in magazine and Internet ads, to supply tourists with “companions“ between the ages of 14 and 27. The feds say they were swamped with requests for information, and between December 2003 and August 2004 they arrested eleven people who’d paid deposits or booked trips—with what they believed was a legitimate commercial company—to have sex with kids. Among them: a South Carolina real estate agent and his wife who wanted a pair of 16-year-olds; a Hollywood, Florida, cop who also wanted two 16-year-olds; and a New Jersey middle-school teacher who paid $1,610 for a package that was to include two 12-year-olds.
That’s one example, the results from one fake company. Now eliminate the middleman, the cash deposits, the hard evidence. Just fly to Costa Rica, get drunk, meet a girl on the street. She’ll say she’s 18. Is she lying? She’s got an ID. Is it fake? How can anyone possibly tell? And will the local cops bust the guy who guesses wrong? Do they, in fact, mean it?
Paul Chaves is the man in charge of the Sexual Exploitation Unit in the Ministry of Public Security. He remembers, with something between bitterness and bemusement, when Costa Rica got slammed in the mid- 1990s by the foreign media shooting video of underage prostitutes in downtown San José. ABC, NBC, the BBC, even Spanish television. The government ministers would deny on camera that there was a problem, then the reporters would roll the tape, add some line about “trouble in paradise“—devastatingly effective television. “I know how the media works,“ Chaves says, and several times, because he has two brothers in journalism, which he also says several times.
He also knows that those foreign reporters were right and that his government was wrong—tactically and morally—to say otherwise. So now he’s saying the opposite. Confessing it, really, so aggressively and often that he seems almost to be doing penance for the whole country. He’s a small, blustery man of 36, quite proud of his accomplishments since he took over the Sexual Exploitation Unit two and a half years ago. (His 120-man department also covers juvenile gangs, auto theft, and, oddly, copyright infringement.) When he started, only six of his men worked the sex beat, he says, sharing one car and never leaving San José. Now he has more than forty officers on the job, covering the entire country. Why, just that day his officers rousted a woman who was pimping girls out of a beauty salon. “Pimps and pedophiles,“ he says. “Those are my two enemies.“
But not prostitutes. He is sympathetic: “Some girls who are doing this are students selling their bodies part-time.“ He is philosophical: “I don’t think it would be worth going after prostitutes. Nonsense. Anyone can sell her body to someone else. He is practical: “To try to police what women do with their bodies, or what men do with their bodies, we would be a police state.“
Valid points, all. He would acquit himself well in the academic debate. But what about the real-world debate? What about those 16- and 17-year-old prostitutes, the ones the TV crews caught on video and the ones who are still in the park by the Holiday Inn? Don’t they come with the territory? Isn’t that why those signs are cluttering up the airport, making all the legitimate tourists skittish?
“Sometimes,“ he says, “I have my doubts.“ Thoughtful pause. “Any man can make a mistake.“
So, no, all those airport signs—apparently, they don’t mean it.
Chaves hails a cab. It’s a long ride to his home on the outskirts of San José. He talks the whole way. About his 120 officers. About how helpful the United States and Britain have been. About his hatred of pimps and pedophiles. About his government finally admitting it has a problem with both.
The cab stops at his house. The chief of the Sexual Exploitation Unit tells the driver, who doesn’t speak English, to go on to the Holiday Inn, then says good night. He gets out and closes the door.
The cabbie flips on the dome light, reaches back with his right hand. There’s a small pink card between his fingers for a place called Scarlett’s Gentlemen’s Club.
He knows enough English to get by.
Sean Flynn is a GQ correspondent. With additional reporting by Greg Veis .
Grandma Pauline Tabor ‘morphed into a madam’
Clay Street prostitution house was one of more popular businesses for 30 years.
By JENNA MINK The Daily News Sep 13, 2012 0.
Reprinted black and white photograph of Pauline Tabor Webster signed to OIda, the way I looked, 1971, for my food pictures. Also that was when we were all going to parties. Good Old Days, Pauline Tabor Webster.O (Photo Courtesy of Special Collections-WKU)

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In this article, I focus on young women’s experiences and management of the transition from premarital sexual relationships and courtship to marriage and parenthood in southeastern Nigeria. I examine how love as a relationship ideal changes after marriage and, specifically, how young married women’s lives are affected by the reality of a persistent gender double standard regarding the acceptability of extramarital sex. I argue that a significant transformation occurs in the nature of women’s agency and in the kinds of leverage they have with their men as their identities shift from single to married. In marriage, women are constrained in many ways they did not experience when they were single, even as they have new powers, having achieved a status that is highly valued. These changes, and the ways women adjust to them, highlight the complex and multivalent dimensions of gender dynamics in the context of contemporary Nigerian courtship and marriage.
The transition to marriage has always been characterized by noteworthy adjustments. Nearly every society marks the onset of marriage with rituals that signify and facilitate these transformations. Nevertheless, marriage in contemporary southeastern Nigeria seems to involve particularly dramatic adjustments for young women who have absorbed changing ideas about sexuality, marriage, and gender equality, and who have had active premarital sexual lives. As Nigeria becomes more urban and as most females attend secondary school, a significant majority of young women are exposed to these new ideas. Further, most women are sexually active before marriage. These young people face considerable challenges as they confront society’s expectations for married women. Underlying a more rigid structure of gender roles for women after marriage is the fact that, despite many changing ideas about sexuality, marriage, and gender relations, both men and women still view marriage and parenthood as the sine qua non of a life well lived (Fortes 1978, Smith 2001).
Integral to women’s experience of the transformation from unmarried to married is a significant ambivalence, especially in contexts where a relationship progresses to marriage based on the promise of love, and where women eventually realize that their husbands are being unfaithful. The ambivalence is multifaceted. Even without the suspicion or discovery of a man’s infidelity, many young Nigerian brides experience a reduction in numerous aspects of the autonomy they enjoyed as single young women, with regard to sexuality, mobility, and overall independence. In general in southeastern Nigeria, single young women are much less bound by the expectations of kin than are married women. A single woman certainly faces some social sanctions if she is seen as promiscuous, and a young woman’s movements are still monitored at a distance by her family. But the expansion of formal education and the economic reality that leads almost all families to encourage young adults to seek livelihoods to support themselves—and often their parents and siblings—have created a situation where large numbers of young women live independently of their kin. Although many young women face both social and economic pressure to have premarital sexual relationships, many also seem to experience their sexuality as a resource (and, of course, often a source of pleasure) that they control (Cornwall 2002, Smith 2002, Luke 2005).
In contrast, married women are made to feel—by their husbands, their families, and society—that as persons they are above all wives and mothers, and that their sexuality, their mobility, and their social and economic agency are circumscribed by the fact of their marriage. Indeed, in some respects (and certainly more so by some men than others), women are made to feel that their sexuality belongs to their husband and his patrilineage. After the relative freedoms of being single, many young women experience marriage as constraining. But it is imperative to recognize that women are trading some forms of independence for a status that they themselves value, perhaps above all else: namely, the identity and the experience of being a married woman and a mother. While southeastern Nigerian society has relatively strict expectations regarding the sexual behavior, mobility, and overall independence of married women compared to single women, the same society also richly rewards women socially and symbolically for being wives and mothers. It would be inaccurate to suggest that young Nigerian women are somehow forced to marry against their will, reluctantly giving up the freedom and autonomy of being single. To the contrary, the overwhelming majority of young women seek marriage and parenthood as the ultimate expression and fulfillment of their ambitions for themselves as persons.
But in the context of the rise of romantic love as a relationship ideal for marriage, in a time when global notions about gender equality circulate widely in Nigerian vernacular forms, and in a society where men (and to some extent women) still enforce a system of gender inequality that allows men much more autonomy after marriage—including a powerful double standard about infidelity—these issues have become the subject of significant personal and social preoccupation. As “ love marriage” has emerged as something to which most young women aspire and as more and more couples self-describe their marriages in these terms, the reality that men cheat highlights the complexity and contradictions of southeastern Nigeria’s evolving gender dynamics. Further, love marriage itself produces new bases for inequality, depriving women of some forms of influence with their husbands even as it creates others.

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