The section on New Zealand accepts the conclusions of the New Zealand government’s research without any caveats. The section on Denmark explains that although prostitution was decriminalised in 1999, some related activities, such as operating brothels and pimping are illegal.

The section on New Zealand accepts the conclusions of the New Zealand government’s research without any caveats. The section on Denmark explains that although prostitution was decriminalised in 1999, some related activities, such as operating brothels and pimping are illegal.
The research trip to Denmark is reported in some depth, including a visit to a centre that provides support for prostituted people. This states that the prostituted women come from disadvantaged backgrounds, suffer multiple problems and want to leave prostitution but cannot. This heartrending account does not appear to have dampened the committee’s enthusiasm for a fully decriminalised approach. Nor did it lead the committee to question its fixed belief that prostitution is a consensual activity between equally freely consenting adults.
The consideration of the pros and cons of a decriminalised approach is superficial and does not consider the overwhelming evidence of the harms of prostitution to those in it and to the wider society, particularly to the status and well-being of women and girls. Nor does it consider the impact on gender equality.
The committee refused to consider whether full decriminalisation would lead to an expansion of the industry because “estimates of the size of a sex industry are very difficult to make” and the New Zealand Prostitutes Collective and the Sussex Centre for Gender Studies both state that the number of “sex workers” has remained stable in New Zealand since the introduction of the law. Absent from the report is any consideration of New Zealand’s unique geographical isolation and how the same approach is likely to have a very different result in England and Wales given their close geographical connection with the rest of the UK and Europe.
While the numbers of people in prostitution may be hard to measure with great accuracy, it is possible to arrive at approximate figures for those involved in prostitution in each country. By presenting these as a percentage of the population of the country we can get a comparative figure, as shown in the following table and chart.
This shows very clearly that the Nordic Model approach in Sweden has resulted in far fewer people in prostitution than in countries that have legalised or decriminalised buying sex. When pimping and brothel keeping are also allowed (as in Germany, the Netherlands and New Zealand) the percentage of people in prostitution is even higher.
The trend is also clear: the more liberal the regime towards punters, pimps and brothel owners, the more people end up in prostitution.
The report is skeptical that sex trafficking would increase under a fully decriminalised regime and places great emphasis on the caveats in the LSE study that showed that it does. However, the above figures and common sense would suggest that the LSE study is correct.
We are dismayed that the committee did not compare the number of murders of prostituted women under the various regimes. We believe that had they done so, they might not have been so convinced by the argument for full decriminalisation.
The committee failed to consider that decriminalising the sex trade implicitly suggests that it is harmless, and the implications of this. For example, how would this impact the motivation to fund the high-quality exit programmes, without which so many women are trapped? If it is considered harmless, what is to stop job centres and agencies funnelling girls and young women into the prostitution milieu? If prostitution is a legitimate occupation for women and girls, why should efforts be made to ensure that there are equal opportunities in other employment arenas? What would be the impact on boys and young men? Would it not lead them to expect sexual gratification as a right – which would ultimately make it harder for them to form mutual, sustaining, intimate relationships? And would it not inevitably lead to more sexual violence as they act out their strengthened sense of entitlement on their girlfriends and other women and girls they encounter? We already hear of instances of men getting angry when women don’t accede to all their demands, as prostituted women must do to make a living.
Once the industry becomes legitimate, the government becomes reliant on its tax revenues and this can become a major disincentive to addressing the harms that it produces and it inevitably becomes deeply embedded in the economy. The State thus becomes the pimp, living off the bodies of its young female population.
Many former prostitutes do not support the full decriminalisation of the sex industry, as a model exemplified by New Zealand (NZ), which was indicated as a possible long term aim in the report. As such the model received comparatively little criticism compared to the Sex Buyer Law, in spite of the wealth of criticism available from many respectable organisations, as has been indicated, including survivor organisation SPACE International. As a former prostitute, not only was I dismayed by the predominate male panel, but by the cautious bias indicated in the report, saliently demonstrated in the insistence upon qualifying the positives for the Sex Buyer Law, whilst being remarkably uncritical of the purported positives of full decriminalisation.

Shaved low hangers

Free femdom webcam chat

Lick that clit bitch Porn pic

Redhead pussy and ass pics

2 busty lesbian nurses

Anu multiple orgasm